Project: Regional Youth Dialogue for Europe (RYDE)
The Western Balkans, a region known for its complex socio-political history, is currently navigating a crucial period of transformation as it moves towards greater European integration. However, amidst the modernization processes, there are significant attempts to retraditionalize gender roles. These efforts often stem from conservative and nationalist movements that advocate for a return to patriarchal norms. In this blog, the dynamics of this retraditionalization trend is explored across the six Western Balkan countries—Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia—and the importance of countering these attempts to ensure continued progress on gender equality is discussed.
The Rise of Retraditionalization in the Western Balkans
In many parts of the Western Balkans, efforts to retraditionalize gender roles are gaining traction. These efforts are often driven by political and religious leaders who promote traditional gender norms as part of national identity and cultural heritage. Such norms typically emphasize women’s roles as caregivers, mothers, and homemakers, relegating them to the private sphere while men dominate the public space as breadwinners and leaders.
The push towards retraditionalization in the region is closely linked to broader political movements that focus on nationalism, religion, and conservative values. This trend can be seen as a reaction to the liberalization and democratization processes that have taken place in the post-socialist era, as well as the region’s aspirations for EU membership, which often require the adoption of more progressive gender policies.
Despite differences in the specific political and cultural contexts of the six countries, common themes emerge when examining the retraditionalization of gender roles across the Western Balkans.
Albania: Balancing Tradition and Modernity
Albania has made notable strides in promoting gender equality, particularly through the adoption of laws and policiesaligned with EU standards. The country has implemented legal frameworks addressing domestic violence, women’s participation in politics, and gender-based discrimination. However, retraditionalization pressures persist, particularly in rural areas where patriarchal norms remain deeply entrenched.
A significant challenge in Albania is the role of traditional family structures, where women are expected to prioritize their roles as wives and mothers. This cultural expectation is reinforced by conservative religious leaders who advocate for a return to “family values.” Moreover, Albania’s growing influence of religious groups, particularly after the fall of communism, has created tension between gender equality and traditional beliefs.
To counter these pressures, the Albanian government and civil society must continue to emphasize the importance of gender equality in both urban and rural areas, ensuring that women have access to education, employment, and decision-making roles.
Bosnia and Herzegovina: The Legacy of War and Patriarchy
In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the post-war period has seen a resurgence of traditional gender roles, particularly within nationalist discourses. The country’s complex ethno-political landscape has fostered a culture of conservatism that prioritizes patriarchal values, often using religion and tradition to justify women’s subordination.
The legacy of the 1990s war continues to shape gender roles in Bosnia. During the war, women were largely seen as victims or caretakers, and post-war reconstruction efforts did little to challenge these perceptions. As a result, there is significant pressure on women to conform to traditional roles, particularly within conservative, nationalist communities.
Efforts to counter retraditionalization in Bosnia have been led by civil society organizations, many of which focus on empowering women and promoting gender equality. These organizations work to challenge patriarchal norms by advocating for women’s rights in politics, the economy, and social life. However, the political stalemate in the country often hinders the implementation of more progressive gender policies.
Kosovo: A Struggle for Gender Equality Amidst Conservatism
Kosovo, the youngest country in the Western Balkans, has made significant progress in promoting women’s rights and gender equality. The country has enacted laws to prevent gender-based violence and promote women’s participation in public life. However, Kosovo faces considerable retraditionalization pressures, particularly from conservative religious groups.
The influence of religion, particularly Islam, has grown in Kosovo since the country gained independence in 2008. Conservative religious leaders often promote traditional gender roles, emphasizing women’s responsibilities within the home and family. This retraditionalization trend is especially pronounced in rural areas, where access to education and employment opportunities for women remains limited.
To counter these pressures, the Kosovar government and international organizations must continue to support women’s empowerment initiatives and ensure that gender equality is prioritized in both policy and practice.
Montenegro: A Conservative Backlash
Montenegro is witnessing a conservative backlash against gender equality efforts, with attempts to retraditionalize gender roles becoming more visible in recent years. Although the country has implemented progressive gender policies, these efforts have been met with resistance from conservative groups.
In Montenegro, traditional gender roles are often promoted as part of the country’s cultural and national identity. Conservative politicians and religious leaders have criticized gender equality initiatives, arguing that they undermine traditional family structures. This backlash is particularly evident in the country’s media, where women are often portrayed in stereotypical gender roles or through their gender.
Civil society organizations in Montenegro play a crucial role in countering this conservative backlash. These organizations work to challenge patriarchal norms by advocating for women’s rights and promoting gender equality in both public and private spheres.
North Macedonia: Progressive Policies vs. Traditional Norms
North Macedonia has made significant progress in promoting gender equality, particularly through its legal framework. However, like other countries in the region, North Macedonia faces challenges in countering attempts to retraditionalize gender roles.
In rural areas of North Macedonia, traditional gender roles remain deeply ingrained, with women expected to prioritize their responsibilities within the family over their careers or public life. Gender roles contribute to occupational segregation in rural areas, where women often work longer hours than men, with a significant portion of their labor being unpaid. Additionally, women face a substantial gender gap in property ownership and decision-making, with only 28% owning property and less than 10% taking leadership roles in land-related decisions, further exacerbating their economic vulnerability.
Despite these challenges, North Macedonia’s civil society organizations (CSOs) have played a crucial role in promoting gender equality and advancing women’s rights, achieving significant progress, especially in areas like women’s political empowerment and the empowerment of rural women. Women’s organizations have been key in advocating for critical legal reforms, such as amendments to the Electoral Code and the ratification of the Istanbul Convention, while approximately 40% of CSO networks in North Macedonia address gender equality either directly or as part of broader efforts in democracy, rule of law, and social protection.
Serbia: A Battleground for Gender Equality
Serbia has long been a battleground for gender equality, with progressive forces advocating for women’s rights and conservative groups pushing for a return to traditional gender roles. In recent years, Serbia has seen a rise in nationalist and conservative movements that promote patriarchal values, often using religion and traditional family structures to justify women’s subordination.
To counter these conservative forces, women’s rights organizations in Serbia have been at the forefront of promoting gender equality. However, the political environment and funding limitations in Serbia have strained women’s civil society networks, with government attitudes leading to decreased funding for women’s CSOs since 2010. As a result, new government-affiliated organizations with no prior expertise have been funded to fill the service delivery gap, bypassing established criteria for funding allocation. In addition, the rise of nationalist and conservative rhetoric in the country continues to pose a significant challenge.
Commonalities and Differences Across the Region
In the Western Balkans, conservative political and religious leaders in some countries promote traditional gender roles, either directly or indirectly, as part of national identity and cultural heritage. While this is more pronounced in certain contexts, such as during nationalist political campaigns or religious sermons, it does not occur uniformly across all countries or settings. In some instances, traditional gender roles are emphasized, while in others, there may be more progressive approaches or a blend of both, depending on the political and cultural dynamics at play.
In countries like Albania and Kosovo, religious conservatism plays a more prominent role in promoting traditional gender norms, while in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia, nationalist discourses are more influential. In Montenegro and North Macedonia, the backlash against gender equality is closely linked to cultural and national identity, with traditional family values being promoted as part of the country’s heritage.
Building a Progressive Future: Strategies toOvercome Gender Retraditionalization in the Western Balkans
Countering retraditionalization in the Western Balkans requires a comprehensive approach that tackles both the cultural and structural foundations of this trend. Strengthening legal frameworks that promote gender equality and effectively addressing violations like gender-based violence are critical steps. Support for women’s rights organizations and civil society groups is equally important, as these organizations are at the forefront of challenging patriarchal norms. Governments and international bodies must prioritize funding and capacity-building initiatives for these groups to ensure sustained progress.
Additionally, education and public awareness campaigns are vital in changing societal attitudes towards gender roles, especially in schools and universities. Engaging with conservative religious and political leaders can foster dialogue on promoting gender equality within traditional frameworks, while regional cooperation allows Western Balkan countries to share strategies and best practices. Through these efforts, the region can resist retraditionalization and continue advancing towards a more inclusive, gender-equal society as part of its European integration goals.
Author: Daniel Lazarević, NGO representative
* The production of this blog was financed by the European Union. Its content is the sole responsibility of the Network of Progressive Initiative and does not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union.
Project: Regional Youth Dialogue for Europe (RYDE)
Gender-sensitive language has increasingly become a central issue in contemporary discourse, not just as a matter of inclusivity but also as a reflection of societal norms and values. In the Western Balkans, the need for gender-sensitive language in public spaces is particularly important as the region seeks closer integration with the European Union (EU). The Western Balkans, comprising Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia, have made some progress in addressing gender equality, with comprehensive anti-discrimination and violence prevention laws and the adoption of key international standards for the protection of women’s rights. However, language use in public discourse often reflects deep-seated gender biases, which can undermine these efforts. This blog explores the significance of gender-sensitive language in public spaces, reviews the legislative trends across the six Western Balkan countries, and highlights how these nations can align with EU standards on their European integration journey.
Understanding Gender-Sensitive Language
Gender-sensitive language refers to the conscious use of terms that do not discriminate based on gender and that promote equality and inclusivity. It avoids the default use of masculine forms when referring to mixed-gender groups or individuals whose gender is unknown. Instead, it emphasizes the equal visibility of men and women, as well as other gender identities, in both spoken and written communication.
In public spaces, the use of gender-sensitive language is crucial because language shapes perceptions, behaviors, and attitudes. When language consistently reinforces traditional gender roles, it can perpetuate stereotypes and hinder efforts toward achieving gender equality. Conversely, gender-inclusive language promotes equality by recognizing and giving visibility to all gender identities.
Legislative Frameworks in the Western Balkans
Across the Western Balkans, progress toward gender-sensitive language in public discourse has been inconsistent. However, there have been legislative efforts to promote gender equality, including the use of non-discriminatory language. Below is an overview of the current legal landscape across the six countries:
The Albanian constitution guarantees gender equality, and the Law on Gender Equality in Society (2008) seeks to promote equal opportunities for men and women. Although the law does not specifically mandate gender-sensitive language in public administration, recent efforts by the Albanian government have aimed at introducing gender-inclusive terminology in legislation.
Kosovo’s Law on Gender Equality (2015) while comprehensive in addressing gender equality across various sectors, does not explicitly mandate the use of gender-sensitive language in its provisions. As GIZ noted, traditional gender roles and patriarchal language are still common in Kosovo and often go unnoticed, highlighting the need for ongoing awareness efforts.
Gender-sensitive language is said to be both justified and legally grounded in Montenegro’s Constitution, as well as through legislation such as the Gender Equality Law and the Anti-Discrimination Law and there are some measures aimed at promoting non-discriminatory language. For instance, authorities must use gender-sensitive language in job titles, professions, and functions, reflecting the natural gender (male or female) in employment contracts, appointments, academic ranks, and other official documents and records. Still, there is a lack of widespread awareness, and gender-insensitive language continues to be prevalent in public spaces, especially in the media.
Although North Macedonia has made significant strides in promoting gender equality, its legislation, including the Law on Equal Opportunities for Women and Men (2012), does not specifically mandate the use of gender-sensitive language. While the law focuses on ensuring equal opportunities for women and men in public and private sectors, the absence of explicit provisions for gender-sensitive language remains a gap. Recent discussions on gender-sensitive language in Macedonia have highlighted the need to overcome patriarchal norms, but a study of 500 job advertisements shows that most still use the generic masculine form, contributing to women’s invisibility, although there is growing awareness of gender-neutral language in some cases.
Serbia has made substantial progress in adopting gender-sensitive language, particularly in legislative texts and public institutions. The Gender Equality Law (2021) explicitly mandates the use of gender-inclusive language in official documents. Despite this, societal resistance and traditional gender roles continue to influence the broader public discourse. The Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC) organized a conferenceon “Serbian Identity, Serbian Language, and the Gender Equality Law,” where it concluded that gender-sensitive language, based on “gender ideology,” is incompatible with the standard Serbian language and unacceptable to the SPC.
Challenges and Cultural Resistance
Despite legislative frameworks, the broader societal acceptance of gender-sensitive language remains a significant challenge across the Western Balkans. Deeply ingrained cultural norms and traditional gender roles can create resistance to changes in language use. In many cases, gender-sensitive language is viewed as unnecessary or even as an imposition from external forces, including the EU. In rural areas, where patriarchal values are often more pronounced, this resistance can be particularly strong.
The media in the Western Balkans also plays a critical role in shaping public attitudes toward gender-sensitive language. While some outlets have adopted more inclusive practices, many continue to use language that reinforces traditional gender stereotypes. Public figures, especially in politics, often neglect to use gender-sensitive language, setting a poor example for broader society.
Aligning with EU Standards
As the Western Balkans move toward EU membership, alignment with EU norms and practices is essential. The EU promotes gender-sensitive language as a key element in ensuring non-discrimination and inclusivity in public communication. The General Secretariat of the Council of the EU underscores the importance of gender-neutral language, not just for political correctness but also for shaping attitudes and perceptions toward gender equality, with the European Parliament particularly committed to reflecting this in all official communications.
For the Western Balkans, adopting similar policies will be crucial, not only to align with EU standards but also to foster greater societal acceptance of gender equality. As these countries aim for EU membership, the European Commission regularly monitors their progress in gender equality as part of the accession process. The inclusion of gender-sensitive language in public communications is likely to be an area of increasing focus.
What Else Needs to be Done?
To foster greater adoption of gender-sensitive language in the Western Balkans, it is essential to strengthen the enforcement of gender equality laws and introduce clear guidelines for public institutions. Governments should implement strategies similar to those used by the European Parliament, ensuring consistent use of inclusive language. Awareness campaigns and collaboration between civil society and international organizations are also vital in shifting public perceptions and overcoming stereotypes.
Furthermore, integrating gender-sensitive language training in schools, universities, and public institutions will promote long-term behavioral changes. Media outlets should be monitored and encouraged to adopt inclusive language practices, as they play a crucial role in shaping societal norms. These steps are critical not only for aligning with EU standards but also for fostering a more equal and inclusive society.
Author: Samija Kujraković, political activist
* The production of this blog was financed by the European Union. Its content is the sole responsibility of the Network of Progressive Initiative and does not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union.
Proces evropskih integracija podstiče razvoj i transformaciju svih društvenih sfera i sa sobom nosi brojne političke, socijalne i ekonomske benefite za građane i građanke našeg regiona. Evropska unija je istovremeno i najvažniji politički partner zemalja Zapadnog Balkana i najveći donator i investitor u regionu, stoga često nije moguće napraviti jasnu distinkciju između političkih, ekonomskih i socijalnih benefita, jer su politički benefiti često i socijalni i ekonomski, dok su ekonomski benefiti uvek i politički. Ipak, imajući u vidu da je EU prvenstveno nastala kao ekonomska unija, očekivano je da najveće benefite EU integracija pronalazimo upravo u sferi ekonomije. Pogledajmo šta sve građani i građanke našeg regiona dobijaju zahvaljujući procesu EU integracija:
POLITIČKI BENEFITI
Politička stabilnost: Stvaranjem Evropske zajednice za ugalj i čelik 1951. godine institucionalizovan je mir u Evropi sklopljen 1945. godine. Evropska unija je 2012. godine postala dobitnica Nobelove nagrade za mir, odnosno za unapređenje mira, demokratije i ljudskih prava na evropskom kontinentu. U saopštenju Nobelovog komiteta naglašeno je da je odluka bila zasnovana na „stabilizacionoj ulozi koju je EU odigrala u procesu transformacije najvećeg dela Evrope od kontinenta rata do kontinenta mira“.[1] Stoga je politička stabilnost jedan od najvažnijih političkih benefita procesa evropskih integracija za zemlje Zapadnog Balkana, jer je članstvo u EU garancija mira i stabilnosti za države članice, što je od izuzetnog značaja za zemlje našeg regiona koje još uvek nose teret ne tako daleke ratne prošlosti iz 90-ih godina prošlog veka.
Regionalna saradnja: Imajući u vidu prethodno navedeno, potrebno je istaći i benefit regionalne saradnje jer je pomirenje i rešavanje bilateralnih sporova između zemalja Zapadnog Balkana jedan od preduslova za ulazak u EU, što posledično doprinosi stabilnosti i miru u regionu. Ipak, regionom i dalje dominiraju nacionalistički narativi koji održavaju tenzije, a politički lideri svih zemalja u regionu ih zloupotrebljavaju u cilju dobijanja političkih poena na domaćem terenu, sprečavajući time građane i građanke da u potpunosti budu svesni benefita regionalne saradnje. Ipak, regionalna saradnja najbolje rezultate ostvaruje na polju ekonomskih integracija, o čemu će više reči biti u nastavku teksta.
Demokratske reforme, vladavina prava i funkcionalne institucije: Proces evropskih integracija zahteva sprovođenje temeljnih reformi koje podrazumevaju usklađivanje pravnog i političkog sistema zemalja Zapadnog Balkana sa sistemom Evropske unije u cilju jačanja demokratije i funkcionalnih i odgovornih institucija koje su u službi građana i građanki. Zemlje Zapadnog Balkana moraju uskladiti svoje pravne sisteme sa evropskim pravnim tekovinama, što podrazumeva jačanje vladavine prava, nezavisnosti pravosuđa, slobodu medija, zaštitu ljudskih i manjinskih prava, borbu protiv korupcije i druge važne oblasti.
SOCIJALNI BENEFITI
Sloboda građana i građanki da putuju, žive, rade i studiraju u EU: Punopravno članstvo u EU omogućilo bi slobodno kretanje građana i građanki zemalja Zapadnog Balkana unutar Šengenskog prostora, što olakšava putovanja i pruža bolje poslovne i obrazovne prilike. Evropski obrazovni programi poput Erasmus+ omogućavaju studentima, mladima i nastavnicima iz zemalja Zapadnog Balkana da studiraju, stiču iskustvo ili se obučavaju u bilo kojoj od EU zemalja. Zahvaljujući EU integracijama Zapadnog Balkana i Berlinskom procesu, u novembru 2022. godine lideri Zapadnog Balkana potpisali su u Berlinu tri sporazuma o slobodi kretanja sa ličnim kartama, profesionalnim kvalifikacijama za doktore medicine, stomatologije i arhitekte i priznavanju kvalifikacija u obrazovanju na Zapadnom Balkanu. Ovim se zemlje regiona pripremaju za uključivanje u mnogo veće evropsko tržište.
Bolji životni standard: Članstvo u EU sa sobom nosi i zaštitu radnih prava, bolje radne uslove, veće plate, zaštitu prava potrošača, kao i zaštitu životne sredine. Takođe, kroz harmonizaciju standarda sa EU regulativama imali bismo bolju socijalnu politiku i pristup kvalitetnijoj zdravstvenoj zaštiti. EU je, takođe, značajno unapredila medicinske tretmane za pacijente njenih država članica.
Kulturna raznolikost: Integracija različitih nacionalnosti u EU doprinosi kulturnoj raznolikosti i jačanju interkulturalnog dijaloga, što dalje razvija tolerantnu političku kulturu u društvu. EU podstiče očuvanje i promociju kulturne baštine svojih članica, što uključuje očuvanje kulturnih spomenika, tradicionalnih običaja, jezika i slično. Tako bi članstvom u EU i zemlje regiona dobile priliku da unaprede zaštitu i promociju svoje izuzetno bogate kulturne baštine.
EKONOMSKI BENEFITI
Jedinstveno tržište: S obzirom na to da je Evropska unija inicijalno formirana kao ekonomska unija, najveći benefiti procesa EU integracija nalaze se upravo u oblasti ekonomije. Glavni pokretač Evropske unije je jedinstveno tržište u kom se slobodno kreću roba, usluge, ljudi i novac. Proces EU integracija omogućava kompanijama iz zemalja Zapadnog Balkana pristup jedinstvenom tržištu i lakši izvoz robe i usluga, što podstiče ekonomski rast. Spoljno-trgovinska razmena između zemalja Zapadnog Balkana i Evropske unije na godišnjem nivou iznosi oko 50 milijardi evra. Proces EU integracija Zapadnog Balkana za sada je doveo do uspostavljanja zajedničkog regionalnog tržišta, koje predstavlja okosnicu dublje regionalne integracije i korak ka jedinstvenom tržištu EU. Na Samitu Zapadnog Balkana koji je održan 10. novembra 2020. godine u Sofiji u okviru Berlinskog procesa, politički lideri zemalja Zapadnog Balkana podržali su kreiranje Zajedničkog regionalnog tržišta koje omogućava slobodno kretanje robe, usluga, kapitala i ljudi u regionu.
Investicije i finansijska stabilnost: Reforme koje su zemlje Zapadnog Balkana dužne da sprovedu kako bi postale članice EU podrazumevaju i usklađivanje sa ekonomskim politikama EU, što nacionalne ekonomije čini relativno stabilnim i smanjuje makroekonomske rizike. Ekonomska stabilnost, zajedno sa političkom, privlači strane direktne investicije koje doprinose ekonomskom rastu i razvoju privrede.
Pristup fondovima Evropske unije: Pridruživanjem Evropskoj uniji dobijamo pristup fondovima čija su sredstva usmerena ka realizaciji projekata koji su ključni za ekonomski razvoj regiona, kao što je razvoj infrastrukture (izgradnja puteva, železnica, telekomunikacione i energetske mreže), zatim ka razvoju poljoprivrede, zaštiti životne sredine i drugim sektorima. Ovakvi projekti sa sobom nose i socijalne i političke benefite kao što je unapređenje regionalne saradnje kroz umrežavanje i bolju povezanost građana i građanki regiona zbog lakšeg transporta i slično.
Telefonske usluge bez rominga: Zahvaljujući ukidanju rominga sada možemo da koristimo telefonske usluge bez dodatnih troškova širom EU. U okviru Berlinskog procesa sprovodi se Sporazum o romingu, na osnovu kog su usluge rominga smanjene za 86% do 96% na celokupnoj teritoriji Zapadnog Balkana.[2]
Plan rasta za Zapadni Balkan – sprovedi reforme i dobij nagradu
Kada kažem da su ekonomski benefiti EU integracija uvek i politički, mislim i na Plan rasta za Zapadni Balkan za period 2024-2027, koji je Evropska komisija usvojila u novembru 2023. godine, kako bi se Zapadnom Balkanu omogućilo da uživa određene benefite članstva u EU i pre formalnog stupanja u članstvo. Ako bismo Plan rasta mogli ukratko opisati, to bi bilo sledeće: Ko sprovede zadate reforme – taj dobije finansijsku nagradu.
Suštinski, cilj Plana rasta je da se zemlje regiona podrže za sprovođenje reformi putem novog finansijskog instrumenta u iznosu od 6 milijardi evra sa posebnim fokusom na Zajedničko regionalno tržište. Posledično, izgradnja Zajedničkog regionalnog tržišta može dovesti do uspostavljanja trajnog mira u regionu. Novi finansijski instrument biće naročito fokusiran na sektore od izuzetne važnosti za društveno-ekonomski razvoj, kao što je energetika, zelena agenda, digitalna tranzicija, transport, obrazovanje i razvoj veština, gde će posebna pažnja biti posvećena mladima.
Plan rasta se sastoji od četiri stuba:
Približavanje Zapadnog Balkana jedinstvenom tržištu EU
U okviru ovog stuba podrazumevano je da EU pre formalnog stupanja u članstvo omogući pristup određenim područjima jedinstvenog tržišta za zemlje Zapadnog Balkana, ukoliko zemlje regiona ispune svoje obaveze u okviru Zajedničkog regionalnog tržišta sa fokusom na sedam prioritetnih oblasti:
Slobodno kretanje robe
Slobodno kretanje usluga i radnika
Plaćanje u eurima
Olakšavanje drumskog transporta
Integracija i dekarbonizacija energetskih tržišta
Jedinstveno digitalno tržište
Integracija u industrijske lance nabavke
Jačanje ekonomske integracije u okviru Zapadnog Balkana kroz Zajedničko regionalno tržište
Jačanje Zajedničkog regionalnog tržišta predstavlja odskočnu dasku ka jedinstvenom evropskom tržištu ukoliko se usvoje i implementiraju evropska pravila i standardi jedinstvenog tržišta, što će potencijalno dovesti do povećanja bruto društvenog proizvoda ekonomija Zapadnog Balkana za 10%.
Ubrzavanje temeljnih reformi
Da bi zemlje regiona stekle uslove za dobijanje finansijske podrške za reforme, neophono je da pripreme tzv. Reformsku agendu, odnosno plan reformi koje nastoje da sprovedu kako bi ostvarile postavljene ciljeve. Akcenat je na poštovanju demokratskih procedura, uključujući slobodne, fer i poštene izbore, višestranački parlamentarni sistem, slobodne medije, nezavisno pravosuđe, te poštovanje ljudskih i manjinskih prava. Očekuje se da će sprovođenje reformi dovesti do ekonomskog rasta kroz privlačenje investicija, ojačati regionalnu saradnju i pomoći zemljama regiona da postanu nekoliko koraka bliže članstvu u EU.
Povećanje finansijske pomoći za podršku reformama kroz Instrument za reforme i rast za Zapadni Balkan 2024-2027
Plan rasta predviđa dodatna sredstva u odnosu na ona koja već dobijamo u okviru IPA III pretpristupnih fondova. Instrument za reforme i rast obuhvata 6 milijardi evra, od čega 2 milijarde evra u grantovima i 4 milijarde evra u kreditima po povoljnim uslovima, koji podrazumevaju otplatu u maksimalnom periodu od 40 godina. Korisnici sredstava će dva puta godišnje upućivati zahtev za isplatu Evropskoj komisiji, koja će procenjivati da li su ispunjeni ciljevi i mere definisani tzv. Reformskom agendom, te će tek nakon ispunjenosti vršiti isplate.
Iako postoje brojni izazovi procesa evropskih integracija Zapadnog Balkana, uključujući potrebu za reformama same Evropske unije i nedostatak političke volje lidera zemalja regiona za ubrzavanjem i sprovođenjem reformi, EU integracije ostaju glavni pokretači razvoja i stabilnosti u regionu. Sve zemlje članice imale su impozantan ekonomski rast nakon pristupanja EU zahvaljujući pristupu jedinstvenom evropskom tržištu sa velikim povećanjem bruto društvenog proizvoda, čime je kvalitet života građana izuzetno unapređen. Ne smemo izgubiti nadu da će jednog dana i građani i građanke Zapadnog Balkana osetiti sve benefite koje sa sobom nosi punopravno članstvo u EU. Možda nije idealna, ali je najrazvijenija političko-ekonomska unija na svetu.
Autor: Marko Pantić, advokat
* Izrada ove publikacije finansirana je od strane Evropske unije. Njen sadržaj je isključiva odgovornost Fondacije Centar za demokratiju i ne odražava nužno stavove Evropske unije.
‘People often say with pride, I’m not interested in politics. They might as well say, I’m not interested in my standard of living, my health, my job, my rights, my freedoms, my future or any future. If we mean to keep any control over our world and lives, we must be interested in politics.’’ Martha Gelhorn,
American Novelist, Writer, and Journalist
Introduction
While I was exploring the significance of the European elections, I came across this inspiring ‘call to action’ quote, which serves as a reminder that engagement in political processes is not merely an option but a necessity for those who wish to influence the decisions that affect our daily existence. Being one day away from the European Elections which will take place in 27 member states between 6-9 June 2024, it is crucial to recall the importance of political awareness and active participation for maintaining and enhancing the people’s spirit to stand up for the issues that affect their lives and their role in election processes.
In a recent interview for The Economist, President Macron warned that Europe faces immediate threats deriving from external and internal factors. Because these elections come at a time when the Union is battling multiple challenges, including the conflict in Ukraine, rising inflation, defense and security and the enlargement project, we have our eyes wide open to see what the future holds for Europe. Reflecting on the lessons from the previous elections, understanding European political groups’ key priorities and manifestos, exploring the engagement of youth in the next European Parliament, and assessing the impact social media is playing in increasing youth voter turnout, are the main topics this blog aims to cover.
Lessons from the previous European Elections
After declining ever since the first European elections in 1979, the voter turnout for the 2019 European elections was marked at 50.6%, the highest since 1994 and a significant rise from 42.6% in 2014 Eurobarometer. This increase occurred in 19 Member States, with notable rises in Poland, Romania, Spain, Austria, Hungary, and Germany, as well as significant increases in Slovakia and Czech Republic, where turnout had previously been low. Despite this overall increase, turnout dropped slightly (by no more than 3%) in eight countries. As per the youth participation in the 2019 elections, the post-election Eurobarometer showed also that the boost in participation was predominantly driven by younger voters, particularly those under 25 and those aged 25 to 39 years old. This phenomenon came as a result of effective engagement strategies such as local volunteering and partnerships entered into with organizations like the European Youth Parliament and the Federation of Young European Greenswhich used non-formal education methods to increase awareness and participation of young people in those elections. Building on this, it is important to highlight that the voters in 2019 were better informed compared to 2014, and both voters and non-voters expressed a higher level of political interest, suggesting a solid foundation for further increasing voter turnout in future elections. Social media platforms were also considered as an essential tool that contributed to this increase. Specifically, this surge is attributed to parliamentary campaigns on platforms such as Snapchat. Given TikTok’s significant Gen-Z users, it could also play a crucial role in future elections. Recently, Ifop poll conducted in April, indicated that around one-third of young people use a specific application to keep up with election campaigns.
Also, the 2019 elections taught us that Eastern and Western Europe are significantly divided, raising concerns for the future of Europe. While Western Europe largely voted for change, the strong support for right-wing populists in Eastern countries like Hungary and Poland suggested these nations have a different vision of Europe compared to other EU members. This divergence could slow down the progress in European integration across various critical areas, including security cooperation, coping with mass migration, enlargement & institutional reforms of the EU. Moreover, the topics of the Eastern Partnership and enlargement to the Western Balkans were notably absent from the election campaigns. Probably, the lack of campaign discussion on these issues might stem from their low appeal to voters or a strategic choice to avoid empowering far-right populist factions.
In terms of promoting democratic elections, the 2019 European Parliament elections marked a significant moment, signaling a demand from voters for greater transparency and influence. The elections saw a slight dominance of Liberals and Greens, suggesting that if these groups can promote more accountable governance and greater public engagement, Europe could navigate through its current challenges more robustly(Heinrich Boll Stiftung)However, as in the previous two European elections, all eyes will be on the far right, which is expected to be the big winner this year. According to the poll’s projections, far-right parties are topping the polls in key European countries like France, Italy, Hungary, Netherlands, and Poland, and influencing EU politics even from their national perspectives.(Politico)
How are European Parliamentary group’s manifestos attracting young people to vote?
Political parties are also recognizing the importance of appealing to younger voters and integrating young candidates into their ranks. Many parliamentary groups push for improvements on issues young people find the most urgent, such as climate change, working conditions, democracy, and representation of marginalized groups. For instance, many parties with anti-immigrant agendas are receiving noticeable support from first-time young voters in the upcoming European Parliament elections.
Recent analyses on political preferences indicate that in several EU member states (Belgium, France, Portugal, Germany, and Finland) young people are supporting anti-immigration and anti-establishment parties as much as, or even more than, older voters. In the Netherlands, the far-right Freedom Party secured victory in the 2023 election by orienting the focus towards affordable housing to immigration restrictions, issues that help them resonate strongly with young voters. (Politico). One of the young voters, Gerald, 24, was clear about his decision in the last weeks of the Dutch election stating for The Guardian:
“I voted for Wilders, and many of my friends did too,” he said. “I don’t want to live with my parents for ever. I want my own home, and to be able to provide for my family later. Wilders wants to figure out the housing crisis and make our healthcare better. Those are the most important topics for me.’’
Similarly, in Portugal, the far-right party Chega took advantage of the frustrations of young people regarding the housing crisis and other quality of life issues. André Azevedo Alves, a political scientist at the Catholic University of Portugal and St Mary’s University in London, explained for Politico that Chega, has successfully tapped into the frustrations of Portuguese youth regarding quality of life issues such as the housing crisis and lack of well-paying jobs. This dissatisfaction is further fueled by anger towards mainstream parties that have failed to address these challenges. “Chega’s leader, André Ventura, leveraged this discontent, portraying the Socialist Party and the center-right Social Democratic Party as the cause of the country’s problems and the stagnation that has driven many young Portuguese to emigrate,” he said. “He has attracted many supporters by presenting Chega as an anti-establishment party ready to challenge the system.”
If extremist or far-right groups were to gain significant influence in the upcoming elections, in the long run, it could have profound implications for candidate countries (including Albania), potentially affecting their EU integration prospects and their standing within the broader European political landscape. The stance of these groups on issues like immigration, national sovereignty, the European Enlargement project, and EU regulations could significantly negatively impact Western Balkan’s Integration Process. Most Radical Parties view enlargement critically, considering it costly and potentially leading to increased migration. In addition to their general skepticism toward enlargement, radical-right parties often endorse raising historical grievances and identity issues during EU accession negotiations. Their attempts to use EU enlargement to extract concessions from candidate countries have become one of the biggest obstacles to advancing the process. Even though far rights lack an essential schism over enlargement, the mainstrem parties must buy into the enlargement discourse and preach it with conviction to their citizens while supporting a merit-based enlargement process.(Balkaninsights)
Youth Quota
Political parties have been the primary vehicle for political engagement and representation in Europe for over a hundred years. However, there’s an increasing disconnect between political parties and the youth, highlighted by a significant decrease in party membership over the past two decades in Europe, only about 2% of young people are members of any political party.
A study of the European Parliament suggests that this growing skepticism towards parties stems from their failure to facilitate young people’s political involvement. Such low membership rates among youth now indicate too that party affiliation is no longer a reliable measure of political engagement. Today, the average age of Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) is 50, with national averages ranging from 44 to 60. Denmark boasts the youngest MEP, who was 21 at the time of the election, whereas in other countries, the youngest MEP is at least 30 years old. This noticeable disparity between the proportion of MEPs under 35 and the general population of Europeans in the same age group suggests a lack of descriptive representation, which carries significant implications for policymaking.
Just one day ahead from the next European elections, only two Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) are still under 30 which comprises only 0.28% of all MEPs. For the 2024 European Parliament elections, there are several young candidates actively participating, although exact numbers are not specified, as Euronews reports. European Greens are prioritizing young candidates under the age of 35, by placing them in electable positions to ensure their representation in the 2024 European Parliament.
On one hand The European Parliament through its Resolution 2015/2035(INL)has urged EU member states to take proactive steps to improve the representation of underrepresented groups at the supranational level. A proposed solution to ensure young people’s interests are better represented in European political arenas is the introduction of youth quotas in the European Parliament. These quotas address the underrepresentation of the younger generation by setting a flexible target percentage for MEPs under the age of 35. On the other hand, such an initiative is also requested from various groups, including the Youth for European people’s Party (YEPP). YEPP, along with other youth organizations and political groups, have been actively advocating for these quotas to address the underrepresentation of young people in the Parliament.
There is no doubt that to meet the challenges young people are facing today, we need to see more young candidates and youth representation in electoral lists which should not be a symbolic effort of filling a quota. Addressing the underrepresentation of young Europeans through the adoption of youth quotas and lowering the age to stand as a candidate may be a key impediment to young people’s participation. Instead, many European member states have lowered the age of voting. For the first time, German and Belgian 16 year olds will join young people from Malta and Austria to vote in the upcoming elections. This is great news for youth participation, but it results in discrimination for other 16-year-old Europeans who are not allowed to vote. This leads to decreased involvement of young people due to a lack of ownership over decisions and the decision-making process.
Social media as a mean to boost youth engagement in European Elections
In recent years, foreign governments have increasingly utilized social media and the internet to influence elections worldwide. A 2023 study by the European Parliament found that young people remain actively engaged in politics, often through diverse methods, with social media being their preferred medium. This platform allows them to quickly mobilize large numbers of people across borders and stay informed about political and current events relevant to them.
For the 2024 elections, the European Parliament is adopting various strategies to engage young voters, emphasizing the importance of digital platforms. The ‘Play your part, Europe’ campaign is streamed via Spotify to notify and remind all users over 18 about the EU election. Spotify has previously launched voting campaigns before elections. The Swedish company issued similar notifications for local elections in the United Kingdom, as well as for elections in Sweden, the Netherlands, and the United States.
According to Eurostat, TikTok has become popular in Europe, often serving as a constant news source against its competitors like X, Facebook, Instagram, YouTube, and Snapchat. The European far-right effectively utilizes platforms like TikTok to reach out to young voters, engaging content and utilising the platforms’ algorithms to maximize reach, especially among those who may feel disillusioned with traditional politics (Politico).
Renew Europe group, heavily utilizes Instagram and Snapchat to connect with young voters. They focus on liberal values like individual freedom, digital transformation, and European integration, using engaging visuals and quick, impactful stories. The European People’s Party also employs robust strategies, particularly in digital campaigning and educational content.
The Greens/European Free Alliance often stands out in effectively engaging young voters through Instagram and X. Their focus on pressing global issues including climate change, environmental sustainability, and social justice, are the issues that resonate strongly with many young Europeans today.
Being aware of the hard efforts needed to enhance youth participation in electoral politics, it is crucial to remember that young people are the key to bridging this gap. As a Young European Ambassador from the Western Balkans, I am well aware of the consequences of undermining the political systems’ representativeness and the resistance of young people to vote. I believe that one way to approach youngsters in political life is by encouraging youth activism which is less practiced by them, such as signing petitions, participating in legal demonstrations, and engaging in unofficial strikes. Additionally, advocating for the implementation of youth quotas in political institutions, like parliaments, is another strategy that young people should persistently pursue in their countries to increase their visibility and influence in decision-making bodies.
In the spirit of Martha Gelhorn’s call to action, I would prefer to embrace the European Parliament’s compelling appeal from the video, “Use your vote.” and encourage Young Europeans to voice the concerns of the European Youth generation, thus determining the direction of Europe by voting!
About the Author
Xhuljana Mucaj graduated from the University of Sheffield in the United Kingdom, obtaining a Master of Laws as a recipient of the prestigious Chevening Scholarship. This achievement adds to her previous successes, including a Law Degree from the University of Tirana and a degree in Business Administration from the Canadian Institute of Technology. As a Young European Ambassador, Xhuljana has considered this platform to champion EU values and advocate for the rule of law, democracy, and the integrity of public institutions. Noteworthy among her initiatives is the #IDECIDE awareness campaign, which aimed to raise awareness about the importance of free and fair elections while constantly opposing the culture of the vote-buying phenomenon. Xhuljana is eagerly committed to supporting vulnerable youth in rural areas and proposing substantial instruments that secure their presence in decision-making bodies.
*This publication was funded by the European Union. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the Academy of European Integrations and Negotiations and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union.
by Ognjen Markovic, Team Leader of the RCC’s Western Balkans Youth Lab project
I was 13 years old when the first person from my close-knit circle of family announced she was leaving Montenegro. Back then I was not yet aware that it was the beginning of a ‘trend’ and that over the next few years I would keep witnessing more and more people I know leaving our homeland to find a living in the EU.
Reading that 71% of young people from the Western Balkans would consider working and living abroad, I was struck by a bittersweet feeling. To me, and to many citizens of the Western Balkans, the percentage is not just a number, because hidden behind it are the names of family members and loved ones who we will get to see only two or three times a year when they return home for the holidays.
On the other hand, the attractiveness of the EU is understandable. Beyond the promises of a higher pay, greater sense of stability and security and other socio-economic indicators, the EU offers mobility that most young people crave for. And while highways, fast trains and flight connections may sound banal, to a person who has entered adulthood only recently, they provide endless possibilities and new and exciting experiences.
For those who enjoy spending their time in nature, the EU commitment to the Green Deal and sustainable tourism provides clean air, water and easy access to well-marked hiking trails. Capitals of EU Member States have the infrastructural capacity to attract world-renowned musicians, film and art festivals. For the ambitious and career-oriented individuals, open labour market provides a broad range of opportunities, not least grounded in the process of recognition of academic and professional qualifications.
I have a deep admiration for the European Union as such, especially since I had the opportunity to experience it first hand during my study exchanges in Slovenia, Poland and Italy. It was then that I came to fully understand the benefits of cross-border initiatives that bring young people together.
It was particularly impressive that, along with the diversity of our backgrounds and interests, we could easily agree on the changes we wanted to see in the world around us. And it did not matter if students came from the Western Balkans or the EU, because we shared the same values and principles: freedom, democracy, equal opportunities. Most of all, we agreed that our voices should be heard.
I took this lesson with me as I returned to Montenegro.
Though I enjoyed and valued my time in the EU tremendously, still coming home felt right. When saying ‘coming home’, I do not mean only Montenegro but the entire region of the Western Balkans.
Namely, there is another aspect of my life through which I had the immense pleasure of developing a deep connection to our region. From a young age, I was a member of a folklore ensemble, which had taken me across the Western Balkans to numerous competitions and festivals. We would travel very often to small cities and rural areas in the region, eager to represent our culture, but even more enthusiastic to learn about the others. It is through that experience that I heard Albanian music for the first time, and loved it ever since; I revelled in Macedonian national dishes, which I still praise to everyone I meet; in Serbia I learned about hospitality and untouched sceneries, while in Bosnia and Herzegovina I discovered ceif and merak.
Everywhere I went I met brilliant people my age and I have been cherishing those friendships to this day. This made me sure that what we have in common is much more significant than what tells us apart.
From my student exchanges in Slovenia, Poland and Italy, I returned with a thought: “Where the EU has benefits, the Western Balkans has potential.”
Thus, when the opportunity to join Regional Cooperation Council’s Western Balkans Youth Lab project presented itself in 2020, I eagerly packed my bags and moved to Sarajevo, ready to assist the implementation of everything I believed in: giving young people of the Western Balkans a platform that makes their voices heard, and even more so, that involves them in the meaningful way in the decision-making processes, contributing to the fulfilment of the regional potential.
Now, in the winter of 2024, with the first phase of the project behind us, I can confidently say that it was a right decision to make.
Together with young people from across the region, we enacted real and substantial changes. From amending laws on youth employment tailored as per youth needs to creating national strategies on youth mental health, new generations in the Western Balkans can look forward to better conditions and a brighter future. Most importantly, they can find inspiration and motivation in the fact that the change comes from us – for us, as long as we stay committed to the joint perspective that we all share.
The fact that we made only the first steps on the long road that waits ahead is not discouraging. I am proud and honoured to work with incredible young people, and I do not doubt even for a second that they have what it takes to eventually turn the tides on the emigration waves, to transform the potential into benefits, and to lead the way to the family of EU Member States, where the Western Balkans rightly belongs.
* This publication was funded by the European Union. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the Center for Democracy Foundation and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union.
EU dijalog sa mladima (The EU Youth Dialogue – EUYD), prethodno Strukturirani dijalog, predstavlja mehanizam usvojen na nivou Evropske unije, čija je svrha rešavanje potreba mladih i problema sa kojima se oni susreću. Kroz ovaj dijalog, donosioci odluka stiču uvid u potrebe i zahteve mladih, što im omogućava da donose informisane odluke koje su u njihovom najboljem interesu. Ukratko, EUYD obezbeđuje platformu preko koje mladi učestvuju u procesima usvajanja politika i imaju priliku da se njihov glas čuje.
U skladu sa EU strategijom za mlade 2019-2027, EUYD podržava njenu implementaciju i podstiče saradnju zemalja EU u vezi sa pitanjima važnim za mladu populaciju, sa glavnim fokusom na tri oblasti – povezivanje, angažovanje i osnaživanje. Svaki ciklus dijaloga traje 18 meseci i posvećen je jednoj temi koja se odnosi na neki od 11 Ciljeva za mlade. Trojno predsedništvo upravlja implementacijom EUYD u bliskoj saradnji sa Evropskom komisijom, Nacionalnim agencijama, Evropskim omladinskim forumom i drugim nevladinim omladinskim organizacijama, pod okriljem grupe za koordinaciju. Tokom čitavog ciklusa, mišljenja mladih se prikupljaju na svim nivoima i kroz različite vidove konsultacija kao što su EU konferencije mladih, evropske ankete, nacionalni događaji, različiti projekti i lokalni događaji.
EU konferencija mladih je najvažniji događaj i organizuje se dva puta godišnje u zemlji koja predsedava Evropskom unijom. Tokom konferencija, mladi, donosioci odluka ali i stručnjaci, istraživači i predstavnici civilnog društva rade zajedno, objedinjuju rezultate aktivnosti EUYD i formulišu zajedničke poruke za EU. Savet EU može da usvoji dokument politike na osnovu ovih izlaznih informacija, usmeren na unapređenje položaja mladih u Evropskoj uniji.
Deseti ciklus dijaloga pod nazivom „We Need Youth“ (Potrebni su nam mladi) traje od 1. jula 2023. do 31. decembra 2024. godine, pod predsedništvom Španije, Belgije i Mađarske. Fokus ovog ciklusa je stavljen na implementaciju Cilja za mlade broj 3 „Inkluzivna društva“ i ima za cilj angažovanje mladih, podsticanje inkluzivnosti i slavljenje uspeha ostvarenih u okviru dijaloga.
Omladinska laboratorija Zapadnog Balkana: Utiranje puta inkluzivnom donošenju odluka
Na žalost, mladi i kreatori politika iz zemalja sa statusom kandidata za članstvo u EU su isključeni iz ovog procesa. Kako bi se premostio taj jaz, Regionalni savet za saradnju je pokrenuo Omladinsku laboratoriju Zapadnog Balkana (Western Balkans Youth Lab – WBYL), projekat koji finansira Evropska unija, a čija je svrha da se stvore prilike za učešće mladih u donošenju odluka u zemljama Zapadnog Balkana (WB).
WBYL se zasniva na metodologiji EUYD i nastoji da otvori dugoročni, strukturirani regionalni dijalog između omladinskih organizacija i nacionalnih organa uprave, usmeren na zajedničko razvijanje politika kojima se jača učešće mladih u donošenju odluka, uključuju pitanja mladih u same politike i unapređuje sveukupno društveno i ekonomsko okruženje i mobilnost mladih u zemljama Zapadnog Balkana.
Od 2020. godine, sprovedene su dve Omladinske laboratorije. Prva je bila posvećena nezaposlenosti mladih, a druga mentalnom zdravlju mladih. Na samom početku, mladi i kreatori politika iz zemalja Zapadnog Balkana, uključujući Srbiju, prošli su kroz obuku o metodologiji i modelu, nakon čega je usledilo formiranje regionalnog i nacionalnog stručnog tela. Stručnjaci su imali priliku da se sastaju putem online i offline sastanaka, kao i srednjoročnih i završnih konferencija, kako bi zajednički osmislili programe i politike relevantne za mlade.
StrukturiranjeEU dijaloga sa mladima u Srbiji
Tokom poslednje četiri godine, Srbija je nesumnjivo bila lider u implementaciji EUYD van granica EU, i kao takva, treba da služi kao ključna tačka za region (i druge zemlje sa statusom kandidata), pružajući vrstan uvid u to kako se različiti aspekti mehanizama mogu implemetirati u zemljama kandidatima.
Dva programa koja vodi Krovna organizacija mladih Srbije (KOMS), kako na nacionalnom tako i na lokalnim nivoima, zasnovana su na EUYD metodologiji. Na nacionalnom nivou, od 2019. godine, KOMS je vodila dijaloge sa mladima i ključnim donosiocima odluka, poput Dijaloga mladih sa premijerom/kom, (bivšim) ministrom za omladinu i sport i drugim akterima kao što je Poverenik za zaštitu ravnopravnosti. Ovi dijalozi stvaraju prilike za mlade ljude da istaknu izazove sa kojima se suočavaju u Srbiji i predlože konkretne mere, zasnovane na dokazima, za njihovo rešavanje. Na lokalnom nivou, KOMS sprovodi program pod nazivom „Odlučionice“. Program povezuje predstavnike jedinica lokalne samouprave (opštine i gradovi), studentske parlamente i organizacije civilnog društva, koji prolaze zajedničku obuku i uče o omladinskim politikama, aktivizmu i učešću mladih u lokalnim zajednicama. Nakon obuke, oni postaju deo mreže lokalnih koordinatora dijaloga sa mladima i rade na unapređenju saradnje između mlade populacije i donosioca odluka. Lokalni koordinatori počinju zajednički rad implementacijom inicijative zajednice koja je kreirana kroz program.
Za potrebe dalje standardizacije implementacije u Srbiji, 2021. godine je osnovan Stalni stručni tim za EUYD. Tim je formiran prema modelu nacionalnih radnih grupa za implementaciju EUYD, osnovanih u zemljama članicama EU za koordinaciju omladinskih politika i standardizovanih praksi za uključivanje mladih u procese donošenja odluka. U stalni stručni tim su uključeni predstavnici Ministarstva turizma i omladine, Ministarstva za evropske integracije, Nacionalne asocijacije praktičara/ki omladinskog rada, Fondacije Tempus i KOMS-a. Koordinaciona međusektorska grupa, koja postoji samo u zemljama članicama EU, predstavlja ujedno važan korak i potencijal za mlade i njihovu aktivnu participaciju. Institucionalizacija grupe u okviru Saveta za mlade Vlade Republike Srbije, kao savetodavnog tela, osigurava da se preporuke mladih postavljaju kao ključni elementi za razvoj omladinskih i drugih relevantnih politika.
Implementacija dijaloga u Srbiji – Hvatanje u koštac sa izazovima
EUYD podrazumeva aktivno učešće u procesima donošenja odluka i zasniva se na principu zajedničkog upravljanja. To znači da mladi ljudi i donosioci odluka diskutuju o temama relevantnim za mlade na strukturiran način i dogovaraju se o mogućim rešenjima. Ova vrsta dijaloga često nedostaje u lokalnim zajednicama a postojeći mehanizmi (ako uopšte postoje) često se ne koriste u praksi, te samim tim, ne ispunjavaju svoju svrhu. Podaci o lokalnim omladinskim politikama koje je objavila KOMS 2021. godine, ukazuje na činjenicu da 54,5% lokalnih saveta za mlade, kao instrumenata lokalnih omladinskih politika, niti su funkcionalni niti inkluzivni u velikoj većini jedinica lokalne samouprave. Ako pogledamo druge parametre, možemo da zaključimo da lokalni donosioci odluka često ne daju prioritet izazovima sa kojima se suočavaju mladi i ne pridaju im dovoljno pažnje u procesu kreiranja javnih politika.
Dijalozi mladih na lokalnom i nacionalnom nivou u Srbiji se isključivo finansiraju na osnovu projekata preko KOMS-a, a za sredstva je potrebno da se podnosi zahtev svake godine. Ovakva praksa ne garantuje njihovu implementaciju u budućnosti, što može biti izuzetno štetno za kvalitet informacija koje EUYD prikuplja, ali i za prostor za civilno društvo i kulturu dijaloga u Srbiji. Dijalozi su u prošlosti pružili konkretne rezultate, među kojima je program „Mоја prva plata“, odluka da se ne obustavi rad studentskih poliklinika u Srbiji, kao i nekoliko drugih dostignuća u procesu usvajanja nove Nacionalne strategije za mlade. Međutim, praćenje koraka na koje se donosioci odluka odluče nakon dijaloga, ostaje problematično.
Planiranje daljeg puta: Budućnost EU dijaloga sa mladima (u Srbiji)
Tokom prve konferencije desetog ciklusa, najavljena je ocena mehanizma. Ovu vest su toplo pozdravili, posebno mladi delegati, jer je praćenje rezultata procesa uobičajeno na svim nivoima implementacije. Delegati su sami oformili radnu grupu koja će raditi na povećanju transparentnosti procesa donošenja odluka koje se tiču mladih na nivou EU.
Jedan od ključnih izazova u implementaciji EUYD mehanizma u Srbiji je već pomenuti nedostatak integracije zemalja kandidata. Naime, članovi Stalnog stručnog tima su retko dobijali pozive za učešće u ciklusima EU dijaloga sa mladima na nivou EU, uključujući i pomenute EU konferencije mladih. Ipak, omladinski predstavnici Stalnog stručnog tima pozvani su da učestvuju na drugoj EU konferenciji mladih 2023. godine u Alikanteu, Španiji, što predstavlja značajan korak napred.
Sam EUYD čeka dug put daljeg unapređenja. Gledano iz perspektive Srbije i svih drugih zemalja kandidata, ovaj proces mora da uključi sve nas i na svim nivoima implementacije. Na ovaj način se jačaju kapaciteti mladih za zagovaranje, ali se i pripremaju predstavnici donosilaca odluka za odgovornosti koje će preuzeti kao buduće članice EU.
Autorka: Anja Jokić, master politikološkinja i omladinska aktivistkinja
Koautorka: Maša Vračar, diplomirana politikološkinja za međunarodne odnose i omladinska aktivistkinja
* Izrada ove publikacije finansirana je od strane Evropske unije. Njen sadržaj je isključiva odgovornost Fondacije Centar za demokratiju i ne odražava nužno stavove Evropske unije.
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